‍By Ewald König

The latest election results in Germany — Saxony-Anhalt, Berlin and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania — are also baffling foreign countries: entrepreneurs, think tankers, media — and especially ambassadors. They must observe their host country and report back home what is happening in Germany. They are not to be envied for that now. They must provide analyses of how the far-right and the left-wing extremists became the strongest parties here.

But how do they explain to their Ministry of Foreign Affairs and government what is going on in Germany, what this means for the future, what disastrous signals it sends for foreign, domestic and economic policy?

The German diplomats employed at embassies abroad are also not to be envied. They are asked about this at all work meetings and at receptions. Not only from the political side with questions about the stability of this largest country in the European Union, but also from the economic side. Investors will want to know how secure their investments may still be in the far-left capital. Foreign professionals will want to know whether they are still welcome in this Germany and, above all, safe.

Foreign countries are trying to assess how these elections, with a penchant for extremes, may change bilateral relations. Whether it still makes sense to plan state or working visits when it is uncertain how long the head of government will last. What weight does the word of a federal chancellor have whose politics are punished with disaster results. His party in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania of all places, where Angela Merkel had her constituency, has now even flown out of parliament. Whether Germany can still allow itself to give other countries any advice.

The outlook in Berlin is not promising. The four-million city on the Spree can only be ruled by a tripartite coalition. Red-green-red or, alternatively, black-red-green. A government alliance of three is extremely arduous in itself. The struggle for every decision will take painfully long, and ultimately a coalition of three will break apart more easily than a two-person coalition. Evidently, a new government can only be expected at Christmas. Berlin in turn loses and wastes valuable time, which it simply cannot afford.

Not only must diplomats send clever reports to their headquarters, correspondents must also explain to their readers, listeners and viewers how, why and where Germany is changing at a breathtaking pace, how the political center is suffering from shortness of breath and how the political margins benefit.

As an Austrian correspondent, I was sent to the (old) Federal Republic 41 years ago. Since I had also won accreditation in the GDR and moved into a second home in East Berlin, I was given an insight into life beyond the Wall and the hatred of the SED. It would never have occurred to me that a generation later, the successor party to the former SED and later PDS would emerge as the strongest force from a democratic election. Berlin is threatening to be ruled by left-wing extremists with fantasies of expropriation and activists with socialization plans. In doing so, the completely over-indebted city, which would sorely need investments, scares off investors.

Since election night, I've heard the reaction several times: “That's enough to emigrate!“ That actually sounds like a concept with which the Left Party could solve the housing problem in Berlin as promised during the election campaign.